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Local Leaders Commit to Aiding Survivors of Conflict at JRP Hosted Regional Dialogue

Local leaders divide into smaller groups in order to best discuss strategies to support survivors of conflict. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.
Local leaders divide into smaller groups in order to best discuss strategies to support survivors of conflict. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

The Mayor of Pader Town Council, Kilama Fearless Wodacholi, folded his hands and leaned across the table. “It touched me so much that my country has not yet done enough for [the survivors], he said. “It touched me that a lot of them say the war has not ended. It is only the silence of the guns.”

Mr. Wodacholi had just come from a regional dialogue, organized by the Justice and Reconciliation Project. The meeting took place on Wednesday, October 31st and brought together local leaders from across Northern Uganda, as well as victims’ representatives. Almost 90 people attended. It was sponsored by the Trust Africa Fund and hosted at Global Friendship Hotel in Gulu Town. The goal was to discuss the challenges victims currently face, and come up with comprehensive strategies to tackle those challenges, ahead of a national conference in January.

Post -conflict restoration is an oft forgotten battle-ground.  Wars finish with an exodus. Weapons are laid away, journalists turn off their cameras and aid organizations depart. Yet, peacetime brings its own set of obstacles, and the world turns a blind eye. The exodus complete, national and international attention is diverted to problems considered more pressing.

Wednesday’s regional dialogue empowered survivors to be activists, as they illuminated post conflict issues and demanded action. A woman identified as Winnie spoke passionately about the trauma latent in her community. Many of her fellow abductees have never received counseling or medical care. They still carry the burdens of war. Daily torment rubs salt in these wounds. She described being taunted when she left her home; her movements restricted. She also claimed that there have been few initiatives to support survivors. “Our very leaders are fighting us. Do we still belong to the community, or have they rejected us?” Winnie asked. Her voice rose and her eyes were wet.

Another woman, called Lily, explained how stigma is passed on to the next generation. Children born in captivity are punished for the simple fact of their existence. Some are bullied by their classmates and teachers to the extent that they stop attending school. “They stay in fear,” she said.

Leaders were moved. “There has been a gap,” said Abia Sub-County Chief, Sylvia Ometo. “We have not been following up on our women and girls who have come back from captivity . . . when I go back [home] I will give special concern to them.”

Leaders spent the rest of the meeting developing blueprints for change. They discussed using existing structures, such as the radio, community gatherings and the church to promote acceptance, and implanting livelihood initiatives to alleviate poverty. They also spoke of gathering data on how many former abductees exist in their communities, in order to better understand the problem and allocate aid.

There were also calls to push for an act of parliament, and to support survivors of conflict via affirmative action. “The most painful thing on earth is the memory of what you saw,” said Mr. Wodacholi. “Being a slave in your own land is a very painful moment . . . to reduce the suffering of these young people, and to give them hope, there must be an act of parliament.”

Leaders took careful notes, while brainstorming new stratagies. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.
Leaders took careful notes, while brainstorming new strategies. Photo Credit, Sophia Neiman.

Rampant corruption, however, impedes change, particularly at the national level. “For long are we going to pretend that we are standing for the plight of vulnerable persons?” asked Chairmen LCV of Omoro, Peter Douglas Okello. He added, “We must make the parliament and government accountable to the citizens. We must have a government that is accountable to the people.” He spoke at the official close of the meeting and appealed to the collective audience.

Later, standing in the bright sun outside of the hotel, Mr. Okello recalled his time as the District Speaker of Gulu. He presided over a petition submitted to parliament by WAN. Parliament deliberated over the document, but there has been no action from the central government of Uganda. That was nearly five years ago. He indicated that in addition this stalemate, the state of corruption in Uganda is such that services are poorly delivered and money is misspent. Mr. Okello called ardently for action. “The government of Uganda and the development partners all over the world need to review the development agenda for Northern Uganda, to focus on post-conflict recovery, transformation and development,” he said.

On the whole, leaders considered the meeting a success, and remained optimistic about future proceedings. Lapono Sub-County Chief, Akullu Margaret Otto, claimed that leaders will now, “advocate so much that [survivors] should be treated as our own people.”

JRP will continue to work directly with vulnerable communities and with officials in order to develop the strategies discussed, and will bring those strategies to the national conference in January.

A previous version of this article stated that the WAN petition was submitted to parliament seven years ago, rather than five. JRP deeply regrets this error.

International Criminal Court Presents Community Screenings of the Ongwen Trial

The trial of former LRA Commander Dominic Ongwen resumed on Tuesday, September 18, at the International Criminal Court in The Hague, with an opening statement from the defense. Miles and miles away, Ugandans gathered around televisions and hunched over radios, following each detail of the proceedings. Many attended screening events organized by the ICC itself. The court endeavored to make the trial accessible to those people whose lives were torn apart by conflict. The Justice and Reconciliation Project hosted one such screening in the organization offices at Koro-Pida.

Some one hundred participants arrived by bus from various locations. They crammed together on white, plastic chairs. Mothers brought small children, who sat in their laps or played on the floor. The screening was near silent. Attendees only spoke during the breaks, when they shared snacks and soda, or relaxed in a courtyard.

The ICC strove to create an open space, where the community could truly engage with the trial, however distant. Eric MP Odong, a field assistant, said, “We are here to execute the mandate of the registry of the court, and to serve the victim community.”

The screening at JRP was not the first of its kind nor was it the only event in the area. Another screening, this one at Gulu District Hall, was so packed that people spilled on to the ground outside. Engagement in the case is high. “We are responding to the interest and the demand of communities, who want to follow the trial,” said Jimmy Otim, another field assistant. In fact, the ICC has organized screening events since Ongwen’s trial began two years ago. Court representatives travel to areas with little electricity and bad roads in order to disseminate information.

Many of these locations were the sight of LRA attacks. Emotions run high and memories of war are fresh. “My better half of my life is the conflict,” said Otim. “That is why I studied conflict, to understand why people suffer.” His work is personal. Otim also vividly remembers trial screenings at which community members corroborated the information on screen, pointing to places where violence occurred. As a result, counselors and facilitators are always present.

community members watch the Dominic Ongwen defnese at the JRP offices in Koro-Pida. Photo credit, Sophia Neiman
Community members watch the Dominic Ongwen defnese at the JRP offices in Koro-Pida. Photo credit, Sophia Neiman.

Responses to these screenings have been overwhelmingly positive. According to Otim, “[The community] is happy that what happened to them is being heard in an independent court, they are happy that what happened to them is being recognized. They are happy that maybe, ultimately, they’ll get justice.”

Odong agrees. “I see justice being done,” he said. “The prosecution did its part and now it is the defense’s turn. I see justice by allowing different parties to express themselves.” Odong claims he will be satisfied regardless of the outcome. “The process of the trial will have cleansed the accused, even if he is set free,” he said.

The trial culminates a longer hunt for Ongwen and his fellow rebels. More than eleven years ago, the ICC issued a warrant for his arrest, along with warrants for Vincent Otti and enigmatic leader Joseph Kony.  In 2014, Ongwen was captured along the border between South Sudan and the Central African Republic, and turned over to the court. His is a painful saga, and one that contains the complex history of the conflict itself.

Ongwen was abducted by the LRA when he was nine years old. He was walking to primary school near Gulu. Like many other young boys, he was forced to watch and later commit heinous acts, and was brutally inducted into the army. Unlike many, however, Ongwen ascended the ranks. He reached the LRA control alter and came to command the notorious Sinia Brigade. This wing of the LRA attacked internally displaced person’s camps, specifically Abok, Odek, Lukodi and Pajule. Ongwen himself is charged with 70 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity, including abducting children to use as soldiers and sex slaves.

Thus, Ongwen can be cast as both victim and perpetrator; a man whose life was altered by the conflict, and a man who altered the lives of others. He is also the first and lowest ranking member of the LRA to be tried internationally. Kony is still at large. Otti is presumed dead.

Seeing such a man stand trial can be divisive and upsetting. Some want him in jail, punished for years of havoc, while others believe he was boy brainwashed, and so deserves amnesty. Many community members are former abductees themselves, and do not understand why they have been forgiven and Ongwen has not.

Andrew Simbo has worked in transitional justice in both Uganda and Sierra Leone. He is currently the executive director of Uganda Women’s Action Program. The organization helps to bring more women and children to the ICC screenings. He claims that communities have now become fully reintegrated, “Those who actually carried out the atrocities are in the communities now. They have been given amnesty. They are the boda boda riders; some are musicians. They are there. They have been integrated into the community,” He added, passionately, “people have moved on.” While UWAP remains a neutral body, Simbo asserts it can be difficult to explain the mere fact of Ongwen’s charges to community members.

Justin Ocan, a community representative from Lukodi, believes that the screenings themselves will lead to a better future. “We tell these populations that this is also a learning environment, because we need to learn this time, so that you transfer the knowledge you gained from this screening to your children, so that in the future they don’t engage themselves in such kinds of practices,” he said.

Regardless of what the court decides, or even of divided opinions, one thing is certain. Sharing information, and making that information accessible, is crucial. It brings people together. It binds them in knowledge and informed conversation. It cements community. Justice itself is a long and twisting process, and its outcomes can never be universally satisfying. Yet, Ocan puts it beautifully, if simply: “Justice is a collective effort to attain a peaceful life.”

As the trial continues, people of many different opinions, can come together and watch it unfold.

“The Kwoyelo Trial: A Final(?) Roundup,” Justice in Conflict, 13 February 2012

Note: JRP’s photo from the Kwoyelo trial opening was featured in this post.

“The Kwoyelo Trial: A Final(?) Roundup,” Justice in Conflict, 13 February 2012
http://justiceinconflict.org/2012/02/13/the-kwoyelo-trial-a-final-roundup/

By Patrick Wegner

Last summer Justice in Conflict regularly reported on the trial of former LRA Commander Thomas Kwoyelo. After being arrested by the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in 2009, the Ugandan Department of Public Prosecutions (DPP) decided to charge Kwoyelo with war crimes under the Geneva Conventions and with crimes under national law.

The trial received considerable national and international attention as it was the first case of the newly created International Crimes Division (ICD) of the Ugandan High Court. The ICD had been founded in reaction to questions of accountability that arose during the Juba peace talks between the Government of Uganda (GoU) and the LRA. Meanwhile the Ugandan Parliament has passed the International Criminal Court (ICC) Act, which allows the ICD to prosecute Rome Statute crimes on the domestic level.

In a nutshell, the ICD referred the Kwoyelo case to the Constitutional Court when Kwoyelo’s defence lawyers protested that Kwoyelo had been denied amnesty under the Amnesty Act. In their view, this constituted a violation of equal treatment under the Ugandan Constitution. The Constitutional Court decided in late September 2011 that Kwoyelo should be eligible for amnesty and ordered the ICD to cease the case against him.

Even though the case was stopped, Kwoyelo remained in detention. He then decided to sue the GoU for illegal detention and petitioned the Ugandan High Court for amnesty on 23rd of November 2011. The High Court indeed ruled that Thomas Kwoyelo should be given amnesty and be set free. The Department of Public Prosecutions and the Amnesty Commission are the two competent institutions in this case and decided to meet to consult the Kwoyelo case after the High Court ruling. In early February the Department of Public Prosecutions again denied amnesty to Thomas Kwoyelo, citing that there can be no amnesty for charges of war crimes. Thomas Kwoyelo thus remains imprisoned in Luzira Prison in Kampala to date.

The judges of the ICD in charge of the Kwoyelo case (Justice and Reconciliation Project)

There are several conclusions that can be drawn out of the way the first domestic war crimes trial in Uganda developed. First and foremost, the ongoing back and forth concerning Thomas Kwoyelo’s amnesty again underlines that Uganda is at the crossroads with transitional justice. The actions of the DPP hint at a re-orientation towards more accountability and less amnesty in the future. The DPP has made that clear by repeatedly denying amnesty to Kwoyelo, despite court orders, and by announcing that it has prepared additional cases against former LRA rebels that it will pursue should Kwoyelo be found guilty. As far as I am aware there is no explicit government position on how amnesty and prosecution should relate to each other in the future, and the lack of clarity might well spark fears and unrest among LRA returnees as I have described in a piece last summer.

Secondly, the first case of the ICD has arguably also shown that demands for more positive complementarity, meaning more domestic trials, in ICC cases should be voiced more carefully. Creating institutions that are legally able to try ICC cases in the situation countries is an important goal. I have frequently argued for more positive complementarity at the ICC myself.

Yet just creating these institutions is not enough. One has to ensure that appropriate laws are in place and that the court is qualified to deal with international war crimes cases. There are several examples of how things went wrong in this context at the ICD. In general the GoU was seemingly in a hurry to demonstrate that the ICD was up and running by presenting a first case and preferably a conviction. Some sources have accused the GoU of presenting the ICD with a pre-determined budget and timeline for a ruling in the Kwoyelo case.

Thomas Kwoyelo before the ICD in Gulu

It is important to acknowledge that the ICD is doing something that has never been done anywhere else in Africa. Creating a High Court Division competent of ruling on Rome Statute Crimes is a novel development. The judges include well qualified experts with experience in international criminal law and most of them have attended best-practice training at the ICC in The Hague according to the ICD Registry.

Despite the ICD Project being generally commendable, there are some other problems that emerged from the rushed effort to try a first case at the ICD as quickly as possible. The case before the ICD showed that witness protection laws in Uganda are inadequate. The judges are only able to order ad-hoc measures to protect witnesses if there are clear signs for danger. The Justice Law and Order Sector (JLOS) of the Ugandan Government is working on laws to alleviate this problem, but results are not expected before mid-2012.

Last, but not least, the ICD is so far working with guiding principles instead of full rules of procedure. The guiding principles are open for best practice approaches from other cases of international criminal law, which makes them highly flexible. Yet, a lack of full rules of procedures may lead to problems of fair trial or delays in some cases. All in all the Kwoyelo trial has proven that the ICD is a politically independent institution that is to be taken seriously. Still, it has also shown the remaining weaknesses in the systems and has highlighted the danger of cases becoming politicized. The fact that Kwoyelo is still in jail despite numerous court rulings seems to be an indicator that the DPP was trying to make a political point by indicting Kwoyelo.

“Amnesty is the price northern Uganda paid for peace in the region,” Daily Monitor, 4 Oct 2011

“Amnesty is the price northern Uganda paid for peace in the region,” Daily Monitor, 4 Oct 2011
http://www.monitor.co.ug/OpEd/Letters/-/806314/1247450/-/10tmcoj/-/index.html

By Lino Owor Ogora

On September 22, the Constitutional Court ruled that ex- LRA commander Thomas Kwoyelo, was entitled to amnesty in line with Uganda’s Amnesty Act 2000. This ruling attracted mixed reactions from various sections of the public.

The question of whether or not to offer war criminals amnesty has always been controversial. It is a question that peacemakers around the world have had to grapple with. Many peace processes have been successful because of amnesty offered to perpetrators. In South Africa for example, amnesty was pivotal in ensuring that the leaders of the apartheid regime negotiated with and eventually handed over power to the African National Congress. It also encouraged many perpetrators who had committed war crimes to confess, which in some instances even led to the recovery of human remains which had been secretly buried. In West Nile, amnesty proved a critical factor in determining the surrender of the West Nile Bank Front II.

Likewise, in northern Uganda, amnesty is the price we have had to pay for peace. Amnesty in northern Uganda was so effective that it led to the surrender of many top commanders. According to the Amnesty Commission’s records, over 10,000 LRA combatants abandoned rebellion and were granted amnesty. Amnesty was even more critical given that the majority of the LRA army was composed of children abducted and turned into rebels. Kwoyelo falls into this category, having been abducted when he was only 15 years old.

But for many people, this part of Kwoyelo’s history does not matter. They feel he has to be punished for what he is now. While I agree that Kwoyelo must be held accountable, we should also keep in mind the circumstances surrounding him. The case of Kwoyelo is critical in ensuring that not all LRA fighters are viewed as a homogenous group of killers, which will enable us devise means of handling them on a case by case basis, a factor which was missing in Kwoyelo’s trial.

If it were not for amnesty, millions of people would still be living within IDP camps. Thousands more children would have been abducted, and even the Juba peace talks which ushered in the prevailing peace in northern Uganda would not have taken place.

It is not surprising that most of the people baying for Kwoyelo’s blood are those who live in comfort and safety outside northern Uganda. While such people may sympathise with victims, they do not understand the situation on the ground. If you lived in northern Uganda during the period of the insurgency, you would understand and appreciate the prioritisation of ‘peace first justice later’. It is because of this prioritisation that northern Ugandans were at the forefront of advocating amnesty as a crucial factor in ending the conflict.

Lino Owor Ogora,
Justice & Reconciliation Project, Gulu District

Mukura theatre day 16Sept2011

“Mukura Reconciliation Feature,” Etop Radio, 16 Sept 2011

“Mukura Reconciliation Feature,” Etop Radio, 16 Sept 2011

On September 16th, JRP facilitated a community theatre presentation in Mukura by survivors and families of the deceased of the 1989 Mukura massacre. An Etop/New Vision journalist, Godfrey Ojore, attended the event and captured the community’s call for reconciliation with the government in a 4-minute radio feature that aired on Etop Radio on the 16th.

By Godfrey Ojore

Intro (Translated from Ateso):
After 22 years of pain after losing the beloved ones, Mukura massacre survivors, widows and widowers have accepted to reconcile with government. In 1989 during insurgency in Teso region, soldiers rounded up people suspected to be rebels and herded them into a train wagon before setting fire beneath it. 69 people perished while many sustain serious injuries. Last year government sent a compensation of 200 million to Mukura. So how exactly do the survivors of the Mukura massacre want to reconcile with government? Etop radio’s Godfrey Ojore now answers that question in the following report. (Cue feature)

To listen to the feature report in Ateso, click here.

 

CICC Africa Update Sept 2011 pg4

“First LRA Trial Before the ICD,” CICC, September 2011

“First LRA Trial Before the International Crimes Division of the Ugandan Hight Court,” Coalition for the International Criminal Court,” September 2011
http://iccnow.org/documents/Africa_Update16_eng.pdf

 Note: JRP’s Lino Owor Ogora’s photos from the opening of the Thomas Kwoyelo trial in Gulu on July 11th appeared on page 4 of the September 2011 edition of the CICC Africa Update newsletter. The accompanying article was written by a representative of the Lira NGO Forum.

CICC Africa Update Sept 2011 pg4

“The roots of war: Atiak massacre, new wave of LRA brutality,” The Observer, 3 Oct 2011

“The roots of war: Atiak massacre, new wave of LRA brutality,” The Observer, 3 Oct 2011
http://www.observer.ug/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=15266&Itemid=59

By Emma Mutaizibwa

Otti turned his village into a slaughterhouse by killing 300

The bright sun lit the sky on a Tuesday morning in Atiak, about 70km north of Gulu in present-day Amuru district. It was market day and traders, some having trekked miles from as far as Moyo district, had arrived as early as 5am to sell their merchandise.

Little did they know that LRA rebels had arrived earlier and were waiting to pounce. Vincent Otti, born and bred in Atiak, and by then a senior commander in the LRA, had often warned that he would turn his birthplace into a slaughterhouse. That warning became reality on Tuesday, April 22, 1995 and marked a new chapter in the civil war — a rare kind of violence the locals had never seen, and one the rebels had never unleashed.

On that day, in one of the ghastliest LRA episodes in northern Uganda that would come to transcend any earlier bloodbath, Otti, a profoundly violent man, ordered his soldiers to shoot civilians lying face-down until they were dead.

Emma Mutaizibwa revisits that day and the macabre massacre in Ayugi valley — the valley of death.

It was a chronicle of deaths foretold; an orgy of killing that would come to define the LRA’s brutal narrative in Northern Uganda. Atiak, 70km north of Gulu town, was a shabby outpost that had remained largely booming with trade even as the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) rebellion raged on. Locals here say if the National Resistance Army (NRA), as the Ugandan army was known then, had heeded the warning by Joseph Kony’s henchman, Vincent Otti, perhaps the loss of lives on such a large scale could have been forestalled on the day of infamy.

Otti had warned for some time that he would carry out mass slaughter in his birthplace to punish the locals who had often said the LRA guns were rusty. Otti was then heading the LRA’s Red Brigade echelon, notorious for ambushes on vehicles, looting and abductions on the Gulu-Pakwach road up to Atiak in Kilak county.

A victim of his own brutality, he would later be killed after ascending to the second position in the rebel outfit, as Kony’s deputy. Kony, the LRA leader, ordered his execution in 2008 on allegations of an attempted palace coup. In 1995, Otti knew the terrain so well that by the time he planned the attack, he was fully aware that Atiak was poorly guarded and that, despite pleas from civilians that an attack was eminent, the NRA had not shored up enough troops.

To date, that massacre remains a black spot on the conscience of the army. At dawn, Otti, one of the most ruthless instruments of the LRA, and his motley bands, struck Atiak trading centre, first targeting the 75 local defence unit personnel (LDUs), a homegrown militia established to fend off rebel attacks. About 15 LDUs were killed and the others fled town, leaving the LRA to overrun the area.

For six hours, the LRA tormented their victims. Army units that had received advanced warnings only arrived much later in the afternoon after the bloodbath. Civilian eyewitnesses report that between 5am and 10am on the fateful day, there was exchange of heavy gunfire and grenades, before the LDUs was eventually overpowered by rebels. The LRA reportedly set fire to huts and began looting from local shops.

Individuals recalled that they sought out whatever hiding places they could find — fleeing to the bush, jumping into newly dug pit latrines, or simply remaining in their huts. Despite efforts to protect themselves, many civilians were directly caught in the crossfire or specially targeted, with an unknown number of casualties.

One survivor’s narration, according to research by the Justice and Reconciliation Project, reads: “At dawn, we started hearing gunshots. At about 8am, the rates of gunshots reduced. We came to learn that the rebels had entered the centre and were already abducting people, burning houses and killing people.

“Just as we were still trying to get refuge somewhere, the rebels got us and arrested us. They gathered us in one place and when we were still in the centre, we could see some dead bodies and wounded people lying about the centre.”

Another woman recalled: “When the battle had raged for some time, the rebels headed for the barracks. On their way, they fired randomly at the house. One of my youngest children said to me, ‘Mum, get my books so that we can run.’ I was so afraid and I had to restrain my kids. The boys in the other room got out, two of them ran away. It was only the elder boy who was too afraid to run because he had been abducted before.”

She continues: “He entered the house where we were. The battle went on all morning. When there was a lull, we tried getting out and making a run for it. The [rebels] saw us and fired at us.

“So, we had to take refuge in the house once again. Then I heard one of the soldiers saying that the house we were in should be set ablaze. I got afraid and got out with all the children.”

Once the LRA had captured the trading centre, civilians were rounded up and forced to walk into the bush. Some were forced to carry looted property.

“The rebels told us not to run away. We were surrounded and taken to a shop. I was given a sack of sugar to carry, while my eldest boy was given a sack of salt,” said a survivor.

Another witness of the massacre said: “They came and pointed a rifle at me. I dropped the child I was carrying and raised my hands. They asked me if all the children were mine. I told them they were my children. They told the children to go home, and told them their mother would follow later after carrying some loads.”

The woman carried her baby again and walked with the rebels. “When we had walked for about a mile, they ordered me to put down the child. I refused. They pierced me with a bayonet on the thigh. Then we went for another mile and I was pierced again on the thigh.

“We walked and when we had reached Ayugi, I was again pierced in the neck. I was now dripping with blood (sic). Then we walked and met with the rest of the people who had been abducted.”

En route, military helicopters arrived on the scene. But this was later in the afternoon. The LRA rebels instructed civilians to remove all light-coloured clothing and to take cover under the brush to avoid detection by the soldiers in the helicopters. During this time, the LRA attempted to bomb Atiak Technical School, the bombs narrowly missing the dormitories.

The rebels raided the dorms and forced students to join the group of civilians that had been rounded up in the town centre and made to march into the bush. It is estimated that approximately 60 students, some from Lango and Teso and a few from southern Uganda, were among those killed later.

The captured civilians arrived in a valley called Ayugi, where there is a stream called Kitang. There, able-bodied men and boys were separated from women, young children and the elderly. Otti lectured the civilians, chastising them for siding with the government.

According to one witness, “Otti told us that we were undermining their power. He also said we people of Atiak were saying that LRA guns have rusted. He said he had come to show us that his guns were still functioning. For that matter he ordered us to see how his guns can still work.”

He then ordered his men to shoot at the civilians. According to another eyewitness, Otti ordered his soldiers to kill “anything that breathed”.

They then commanded children below eleven years, pregnant women and breastfeeding mothers to stand aside. Recounting the day of terror, another survivor said: “I had a sizeable child I was carrying. I shifted with them to where they told us to stand. I could not reach my little boy, who was seated with students of Atiak technical school.

“The remaining group of people was then commanded to lie down. Then they were showered with bullets. Nobody got up to attempt running away. After the bullets went silent, the soldiers were ordered to fire a second time on the dead corpses, to make sure nobody survived. They even fired a third time to make sure all the people had been killed.”

Many of the survivors watched in horror as their children were killed.

“I was so scared because I had seen my boy being shot. I wept silently and my children told me not to cry . . . My boy had been shot in the leg but still alive. They later finished him off with a bayonet.”

Another survivor recounted: “They began by telling us mothers, pregnant women and children below 13 years to move aside. They told the rest of the people to lie down and for us to look straight at them — if you look at a different direction, they can shoot you dead.

“They fired at the people first, and then again for the second time to ensure that they are all dead . . . My first-born child, mother-in-law, father-in law and my husband were all killed as I watched them die. I returned with four children whom I am struggling to take care of now.”

After the massacre, others were forced to go with the LRA to carry looted goods. As one survivor explained after showing us the scars on his face and back, many of those abducted did not survive. Others abducted that day were initiated into the LRA through brutal tactics and went on to fight or act as sex slaves for senior commanders.

The total number of persons killed in the massacre varies between 200 and 300. Some people disappeared and their whereabouts are still unknown — after the massacre, it was not possible to identify all of the dead. Government, in the aftermath of the Atiak massacre, severed diplomatic ties with the Khartoum regime.

But the massacres in the Acholi-sub-region did not relent. As a result of the bloodletting, President Yoweri Museveni, in May 1996, appointed his brother, then Maj Gen Salim Saleh, to try to bring an end to the LRA conflict.

Col James Kazini, who was murdered in 2009, was appointed 4 Division commander based in Gulu. But why did the NRA, which later became the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF), fail to defeat the LRA?

In the next series, we revisit Saleh’s mission to decimate the LRA and why Kony and his bands remained undefeated.

mutaizibwa@observer.ug

“In Brief: Tracking the LRA,” IRIN News, 30 Sept 2011

“In Brief: Tracking the LRA,” IRIN News, 30 Sept 2011
http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?reportid=93852

NAIROBI, 30 September 2011 (IRIN) – Detailed updates about the activity of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) are now available in near real-time, thanks to a partnership between two US-based NGOs.

The LRA Crisis Tracker, a joint venture between Invisible Children and Resolve provides data on attacks, killings, abductions, injuries and looting by the LRA, an insurgency that began in northern Uganda in the 1980s, whose fighters are now scattered across remote areas of South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Central African Republic.

Data is published on the tracker’s website as well as on social media such as Twitter and Facebook and via apps for iPad and iPhone. Historical monthly data going back to December 2009 is also available. The information derives from the Invisible Children early warning radio network, NGOs, UN agencies and other sources.

“I feel it’s interesting but it wasn’t available during the height of the conflict in northern Uganda,” Lindsay McClain of the Justice and Reconciliation project in Gulu district, northern Uganda said. “I have seen the systems and it provides early warning systems to protect civilians but it’s a challenge to these rural communities without access to the internet.”

js/ca/am/mw

TJI Newsletter Sept 2011 Image

JRP featured in the September TJI Newsletter

TJI Newsletter Sept 2011 Image
Photos from the September 2011 edition of the TJI newsletter featuring JRP

JRP is featured on page 5 of the University of Ulster’s Transitional Justice Institute’s September newsletter. The mention, which appears in an article on page 5, is related to JRP’s Lindsay McClain receiving a bursary to attend TJI’s 2011 Summer School from June 13-17, 2011. McClain attended the course on public inquires and truth.

To read the full article, click here.

JRP is grateful to TJI for supporting the capacity-building of our staff.

TJI Newsletter Sept 2011 Image

“Summer School 2011,” News from TJI, September 2011

JRP is highlighted on page 5 of the Transitional Justice Institute’s September newsletter in an article on the 2011 TJ Summer School. JRP’s Lindsay McClain received a competitive bursary to attend the course on public inquires from June 13-17, 2011. The full article is posted below. To access a PDF of the full newsletter, visit http://www.transitionaljustice.ulster.ac.uk/documents/NewsletterSEPT2011.f or click here.

TJI Newsletter Sept 2011 Image
Photos from the September 2011 edition of the TJI newsletter featuring JRP

“Summer School 2011,” News from TJI, September 2011
http://www.transitionaljustice.ulster.ac.uk/documents/NewsletterSEPT2011.pdf

The annual Summer School on Transitional Justice which incorporated two separate programmes: Gender, Conflict and Transition and The Use of Public Inquiries, took place at the Magee campus from 13 to 17 June 2011.

Now in its fourth year, the Summer School continues to attract participants from various conflict and post-conflict states around the world. Participants came from Austria, Bosnia and Herzigovina, Canada, Japan, Kenya, Uganda and US, in addition to representatives from various public bodies and NGOs in Northern Ireland.

The academic component of the programme was complemented by a full social pro-gramme providing the opportunity for participants to get to know a little about the local area – this in-cluded a walking tour of Derry city, a very popular tour to the North Coast, film screenings and a Summer School dinner.

The TJI was delighted to be able to offer bursaries to some participants through a competitive process: Megan Dersnah-Alexandra from the University of Toronto, Gorana Mlinarevic from the University of Sarajevo and Lindsay McClain from the Justice and Reconciliation Project in Uganda (pictured below, right).

The week long residential course provided a dynamic context for the exchange of views and ex-periences between academics, practitioners and students through a combination of interactive lectures, workshops and roundtable discussions on key aspects of transitional justice. Guest speakers on the Gen-der programme included: Dr Fidelma Ashe (UU); Professor Christine Bell (TJI); Claire Hackett (Falls Commu-nity Council); Sari Kouvo (International Center for Transitional Justice); Professor Fionnuala Ní Aoláin (TJI); Dr Catherine O‘Rourke (TJI); Mrs Eilish Rooney (TJI), Ms Aisling Swaine (TJI). Speakers on the Inquiries pro-gramme included: Professor Bill Rolston (TJI); Professor Fionnuala Ní Aoláin (TJI); Professor Christine Bell (TJI); Professor Colm Campbell (TJI); Dr Louise Mallinder (TJI); Professor Phil Scraton (Queen‘s University Belfast); Dr Vicky Conway (Queen‘s University Belfast); Ms Marny Requa (Queen‘s University Belfast); Ms Colleen Smyth (TJI); Mr John Leckey (Senior Coroner for Northern Ireland); Mr Neil Garnham QC; and Ms Caroline Cross (Barrister).