Tag Archives: NRA

Forgotten Victims: Recounting Atrocities Committed in Odek Sub-County by the LRA and NRA

Forgotten Victims - Recounting Atrocities Committed in OdekSub-County by the LRA and NRA_SM
Forgotten Victims: Recounting Atrocities Committed in Odek Sub-County by the LRA and NRA, JRP Field Note 21, November 2014

In its efforts to document the voices of the victims of the conflict in northern Uganda, based on the belief that through facilitating communities to tell their stories in their own terms and words not only helps to bring some relief to the victims but also contributes to better inform transitional justice processes, the Justice and Reconciliation Project launches this field note as a first step to acknowledge what happened in Odek sub-county. The purpose of this report is twofold. First, it seeks to make visible the atrocities committed by the NRA and the LRA in Odek and how it affected the lives of individuals and the community as a whole. Second, it aims to show how Odek is silently fighting another war; the war that comes with stigmatisation and exclusion. This report shows how the impact of the war continues to affect the daily lives of the people of Odek, and undermines its prospects of achieving lasting peace and reconciliation.
Read this entire report here: Forgotten Victims (pdf)

 

Occupation and Carnage: Recounting Atrocities Committed by the NRA’s 35th Battalion in Namokora Sub-County in August 1986 FN XIX, March 2014

Occupation and Carnage Recounting Atrocities Committed by the NRA’s 35th Battalion in Namokora Sub-County in August 1986 JRP Field Note XIX, March 2014
Occupation and Carnage
Recounting Atrocities Committed by the NRA’s 35th
Battalion in Namokora Sub-County in August 1986
JRP Field Note XIX, March 2014

Namokora is located 56 kilometres east of Kitgum town and is one of the sub-counties that frequently come up when there are discussions or debates regarding state orchestrated abuses in northern Uganda. On the 19th of August 1986, the 35th Battalion of the National Resistance Army (NRA) allegedly massacred up to 71 men and women from Namokora and other surrounding sub-counties in a lorry at Wiigweng in Oryang village, and Namokora sub-county. These men and women were accused of being rebel collaborators and/or having plans to oust the newly formed NRA government in Kampala.

Herded into the lorry, over 89 civilians founded themselves being piled onto each other with hardly any space as they were driven to an unknown destination while being closely followed by a white pickup filled with armed NRA soldiers. After driving for about three kilometes, they were indiscriminately shot at, resulting in the death of 71 men and women and the injury of scores of others. Since burials did not happen immediately after the shooting most of the bodies were feasted on by dogs and other beasts within that area.

This report provides narratives of key events leading to the Namokora massacre of 1986 based on the testimonies of survivors and relatives. It also looks at developments in that community from 1986 to date and makes specific recommendations to the government and non-governmental organisations to provide compensation to the survivors of the massacre, to address the health consequences of the NRA operation in Namokora and to support the formation of a community based victims support groups.

Read the entire Field Note here: Namokora (pdf)

Welcoming President Museveni’s acknowledgment of NRA crimes in northern Uganda

The Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) would like to applaud President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni’s acknowledgement of crimes committed by the National Resistance Army (NRA) in northern Uganda.

Official acknowledgement of atrocities committed during war is one of the most important factors in the aftermath of armed conflict. It is not only necessary for the healing of painful memories of victims who suffered war crimes at the hands of perpetrators, but it is also an important pre-requisite for implementing reparative programs for war affected communities and survivors. An official acknowledgement is made even more significant if it comes from a high ranking government official such as the head of state.

On 26th January 2014, during the NRM anniversary celebrations in Mayuge district, President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni publicly acknowledged that NRA soldiers had committed crimes in northern Uganda during the late 1980s and early 1990s in their attempt to pacify the region of rebel activity following the NRA’s capture of power in 1986. The story was carried in the news headlines of all Uganda’s local newspapers on Monday 27th January 2014.

This acknowledgement has been long overdue given that northern Uganda has been peaceful for close to six years now, following the permanent relocation of the LRA to Central African Republic (CAR) in 2008. In this period, civil society organizations, religious leaders, political leaders, and the general public in northern Uganda have consistently called upon the government to acknowledge its role in the commission of war crimes in northern Uganda to no avail.

While the government implemented some programs for war victims and survivors, this official acknowledgement and apology was always not forthcoming. In fact some high ranking government officials had fallen into the habit of blatantly and unashamedly stating that the NRA did not commit war crimes in northern Uganda.

War crimes in northern Uganda have generally been wholly attributed to the LRA. When the International Criminal Court (ICC) launched investigations into the Ugandan situation in 2004, for instance, it ended up issuing indictments for only LRA commanders for war crimes and crimes against humanity, and let the government perpetrators off the hook. This was despite that it was a known fact that NRA soldiers committed numerous atrocities in northern Uganda during the late 1980s and early 1990s.

So President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni’s public acknowledgment of such crimes is welcome and must be applauded. Not many leaders have the courage to stand up and admit past wrongs. Throughout the course of history, public acknowledgement of crimes by state leaders has always been difficult. A case in point can be taken from Australia where it took the Australian Government close to 100 years to apologize to indigenous Aborigines for crimes committed against them in what has been termed the “Stolen Generation” or “Stolen Children”. In this case, the Australian Government from as far back as 1909 had made it a practice to forcefully take children from indigenous Aboriginal families presumably in a move to educate them. Many of these children ended up being permanently separated from the families.On 13 February 2008 the Government, through then Prime Minister Kevin Rudd MP, moved a motion of Apology to Australia’s Indigenous Peoples in Australia’s Parliament. The government also made reparations in form of scholarships and funds for various community activities to the Aboriginal community.

In his acknowledgement, the President admitted to crimes such as the suffocation of 69 civilians in a railway wagon in Mukura village in 1989, and the suffocation and rape of civilians in Burcoro village in April 1991. All these crimes have been documented by the Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) and are publicly accessible on our website.

President Museveni also admitted that new crimes such as the massacre of civilians in Kanyum village, and the raiding of cattle in Nwoya district were coming to light. The president blamed the ‘wanainchi’ (local people) for not reporting such crimes.

While President Museveni must be applauded for this public announcement, he stands to be criticized in two areas.

First, the above crimes are not the only crimes that were committed in northern Uganda. Many other examples of acts committed by the NRA have been brought to the attention of the government through various channels such as research reports.

In Palabek Sub-County for example, the 32nd Battalion of the NRA is reported to have led killings of several civilians under the command of a one Captain Abiriga. The 32nd battalion carried out numerous horrific incidences including: the killing of six men in Ayuu Alali village school on 1 February 1991, and the execution of seven suspected rebel collaborators in Ayuu Anaka village on 12 April 1992.

On 19 August 1986, in Namokora Sub-County, the 35th Battalion of NRA is also said to have led killings of 71 men and women. These men and women were accused of being rebel collaborators or having plans to oust the new NRA government that had just come to power through a guerrilla coup.

Numerous other incidents have been documented in places such as Odek, Pabbo, Mucwini and other places in northern Uganda.

Secondly, it is grossly misleading, disingenuous and deceptive for President Museveni to say that the reason he did not know about such crimes was because they were never reported. These incidents have been mentioned time and again by civil society activists, religious leaders, political leaders and other opinion leaders in northern Uganda but the government has turned a deaf ear to all these pleas. Many have been documented by CSOs such as JRP.

Nevertheless the acknowledgement by President Yoweri Museveni still remains significant, and must be considered a starting point on the long road to reconciling northern Uganda. A number of things need to be undertaken in moving forward.

First, there is need for full disclosure and acknowledgement about atrocities that happened in northern Uganda under the NRM regime. There is need for full public investigation of crimes committed by NRA soldiers, and disclosure of responsible officials to pave way for their punishment. It is appalling and disgraceful that despite the numerous atrocities known to have been committed by NRA soldiers in northern Uganda, only 23 NRA officers have, according to the president, ever been brought to book for acts he described as “indiscipline” and “misbehavior”

More needs to be done to promote accountability for what are not mere acts of indiscipline, but internationally recognised war crimes . Otherwise the full scale of NRA killings will never be known, and will continue to be revealed through half-truths and revelations such as those made by President Yoweri Museveni.

Secondly, acknowledgment of atrocities in northern Uganda must not only be limited to physical killings of civilians by NRA soldiers. It is also important to acknowledge other forms of human sufferings and dehumanizing acts committed by NRA soldiers.

NRA soldiers are known to have committed horrendous and abominable acts such as defecating in water pots and food containers of people in northern Uganda, and defecating in the mouths of their cattle simply to dehumanize and humiliate the people.

Another horrendous act was the practice of ‘tek-gungu’ or male rape that was perpetrated by ethnic Banyankole soldiers against Acholi men as an act of humiliation. Women and girls were also raped in places such as Burcoro and deliberately infected with the HIV/AIDs virus. It is no wonder that northern Uganda today has one of the highest prevalence of HIV/AIDs.

Arbitrary arrests were also common and took place on a massive scale with people being rounded up in large numbers for screening and spending hours in inhumane conditions at the screening centers.

The encampment and confinement of people in internally displaced persons camps is also a crime that needs to be acknowledged. The years that the Acholi people spent in the IDP camps as the NRM government failed to defeat the LRA were painful years that have taken a severe toll upon the Acholi people. As a result of this confinement we have a generation of youth that has grown up with little regard for Acholi cultural values such as hard work and morality. It is the reason behind increased acts such as prostitution and theft.

All these atrocities can only be brought to light if the government institutes an inquiry into the conflict in northern Uganda with the deliberate aim of establishing and understanding the full range of atrocities that occurred.

Thirdly, acknowledgement of crimes in northern Uganda must be accompanied by official apologies, conducted in a dignified manner, at official ceremonies deliberately organized and attended by victims’ representatives. President Museveni’s acknowledgement on 26th January 2014 took place in Mayuge District as the NRM celebrated 28 years in power. The location and occasion were both not conducive and relevant to people in northern Uganda. We in northern Uganda continue to hope for the day when President Museveni will organize a function in northern Uganda specifically for the purpose of issuing an apology to the victims and survivors of the conflict, and handing this apology in written form to key leaders of the people. This will be a milestone in the history of northern Uganda.

Finally, acknowledgements and apologies need to be accompanied by reparative action. In Acholi culture reconciliation is not deemed to be complete unless the perpetrator has paid symbolic compensation to the victim. President Museveni expressed willingness to engage in acts of Mato Oput (reconciliation) with victims and survivors, and compensate them for the losses suffered. The President’s olive branch of reconciliation is welcome and must be applauded. It remains to be seen whether it will be fulfilled.

Justice in north needs complex solutions, Daily Monitor, 29 Jan 2012

Justice in north needs complex solutions, Daily Monitor, 29 Jan 2012
http://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/ThoughtIdeas/-/689844/1315470/-/item/0/-/9le52p/-/index.html

By Lino Owor Ogora

In July last year, Thomas Kwoyelo became the first Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) commander to be charged before Uganda’s International Crimes Division (ICD). He was charged with 53 counts crimes against humanity. On September 22, a few months after the commencement of his trial, Uganda’s Constitutional Court ruled that Kwoyelo was entitled to amnesty in line with Uganda’s Amnesty Act of 2000, and ordered his trial to be halted forthwith, a ruling which was further upheld by the High Court on January 25, 2012.

This court ruling has attracted mixed reactions from national and international actors and the public at large. While some people have applauded the court ruling and amnesty alike, others condemned both.

The case of Kwoyelo, however, re-affirms the fact that the pursuit of justice in northern Uganda requires complex solutions beyond merely dragging ex-commanders of the LRA to the courts of law.

In this regard, it is vital to understand the significance of amnesty in stemming the conflict in northern Uganda, and the complications that come with handling individuals who carry dual victim-perpetrator identities.

Uganda’s Amnesty Act of 2000 offers pardon to ‘any Ugandan who has at any time since January 26, 1986, engaged in or is engaging in war or armed rebellion against the government of the Republic of Uganda’. In northern Uganda, amnesty has been instrumental in fostering the return of thousands of ex-combatants. Until August 22, 2008, the Amnesty Commission’s database indicated 22,930 reporters – 50 per cent of these were LRA reporters.

Success in the air
This is an indication that amnesty has registered a tremendous success. If it were not for amnesty, millions of people would still be living within IDP camps. Thousands more children would have been abducted, and even the Juba peace talks which ushered in the prevailing peace in northern Uganda would not have taken place.

Many critics of amnesty may argue that the amnesty law in northern Uganda is no longer relevant given that the LRA have been subdued. However, if you lived in northern Uganda during the period of the insurgency, or even simply visited an IDP camp at the height of the conflict and witnessed the suffering of the people, you would understand and appreciate the prioritisation of ‘peace first, justice later’ and amnesty. It is because of this prioritisation that northern Ugandans, led by religious and traditional leaders were at the forefront of advocating for amnesty as a crucial factor in ending the conflict.

With the LRA still very much alive and committing atrocities in Central African Republic and Southern Sudan, the amnesty law is still needed. In a situational survey conducted by the Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) in December 2011 in Acholi region, more than 90 per cent of the respondents believed that amnesty was still relevant. Therefore, rather than argue for the total nullification of the amnesty law, perhaps the question we need to answer is whether amendments are required to specify clearly which commanders of the LRA should or should not be granted amnesty in the event that they return.

In addition, the case of Kwoyelo also raises complex questions regarding the perpetrators who are victims themselves. Kwoyelo was abducted at the age of 15 from his village of Pogo in Pabo Sub-County in Amuru District. Like other children and youth before him, he was carried off into captivity, trained into a child soldier and rose through the ranks to become a high ranking commander. The fate of adult commanders of the LRA who were abducted as children and turned into the killers they are today has been a topic of substantial discussion.

Having been abducted while young and vulnerable, Kwoyelo was a victim. Having committed crimes after the age of 18, Kwoyelo should be able to take responsibility for his actions. What then should be the fate of such individuals? Many human rights activists have often flatly insisted that on becoming adults, such individuals need to take full responsibility for their actions. Why is it that such human rights activists never talk of holding the government accountable for failing to protect children such as Kwoyelo from abduction in the first place? There is need to consider all these circumstances when dealing with cases such as Kwoyelo’s.

Furthermore, there is need to reflect on why cases of NRA/UPDF perpetrators who committed war crimes during the insurgency are not coming up. In northern Uganda, it is a known fact that all armed parties to the conflict, including state and non-state actors, committed war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Court martials not good enough?
While the Juba Peace Agreement calls for handling state actors through other measures such as military court martials, many people in northern Uganda feel the outcomes of these courts would be highly unpredictable, and could lead to many state actor perpetrators being let off the hook.

Military court martial proceedings are often closed to the public and conducted by the army leadership and the participation of victims is often limited. For these reasons, many people in northern Uganda will continue reiterating their call for prosecution of state actors within the ICD. If charges are not brought against the UPDF, or at the very least investigations into state violations conducted, then DPP, runs the risk of being labeled partial.

Finally, beyond pursuing justice in courts of law, there is need to keep the needs of victims and survivors of the conflict in mind. Victims need reparations, compensation, restitution, and restoration of their livelihoods.

Beyond passing guilty or non-guilty verdicts, courts of law such as the ICD will not cater for these very important needs. For reparations to be effected in a proper and timely manner, Uganda requires a reparations policy, which is currently lacking. All these factors should be taken into consideration for justice to prevail in Northern Uganda.

The author is a researcher with the Justice & Reconciliation Project, an NGO based in Gulu District.

http://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/ThoughtIdeas/-/689844/1315470/-/item/0/-/9le52p/-/index.html

Mukura theatre day 16Sept2011

Mukura Community Theater Performance, 16 Sept. 2011

[yframe url=’http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0cvqq8KO6tM’]

On September 16th, 2011, the Justice and Reconciliation Project facilitated survivors and families of those killed in the 1989 Mukura massacre to hold a community theatre performance on a transitional justice issue of their choice. The performance was part of our ongoing engagement with the Mukura Memorial Development Initiative, or MUMEDI, and the Kumi Network of Development Organizations, KUNEDO, and aimed at generating discussion among the community on how to best seek justice and reconciliation after the conflict in the area. The drama’s script and theme was entirely drafted by the actors.

This drama is also part of a community theater pilot program through JRP’s Community Mobilization department. Other similar performances have been facilitated in Lukodi, Abia and Yumbe, and videos will be posted in the coming weeks.

Copyright © 2011 Justice and Reconciliation Project